The indigenous culture of primitive people and their habitats are at the edge of extinction. Although globalisation has initiated numerous opportunities for millions of people around the world, Social anthropologists have analysed the effects of indigenous cultures from the wider context of globalisation. In this essay I will examine development and modrenisation from the perspective of indigenous people and why development should take their culture seriously.
‘Development’ and anthropology are locked in an uneasy relationship ‘development’ has a background in early anthropological theories of social evolutionism. Anthropology has criticises the ‘one fits all’ approach to the ‘modernising’ of these ‘backward societies’. The political history of indigenous societies are viewed as ‘underdeveloped’ rather than ‘undeveloped’ and understanding this relationally tends to move with the intellect trends of the time, in which social trends move to shifts in globalisation, Sarmiento Barletti (2014).
Development must take cultural specificity in to account, this is because our plant is made up of various ways of being human and varying ways of wellbeing. It is inherent to think the way we do and the distinction here obviously is what is common sense to ‘us’ is not common sense to the Ashaninak people. This leads to the idea that the earth is not a commodity but a social agent, a network of sociality where indigenous groups interact with sociality, Sarmiento Barletti (2014). Lewis Henry Morgan (1877) divides the social evolution of humans in to 3 basic stages, each stage was distinguished by a technological development. An each stage had a correlate in patterns of subsistence foe example marriage, family, and political organization. Morgan’s linage is problematic, in the sense that it shows that ‘we’ as humans all reach the same state. A set of sequential stages, which show that all groups pass through the same point, although, the process through theses stages vary. But do we reach the same state? Social evolution is central to development and therefore Morgan’s model of linage effects how projects are planned and how development is made, but well-being is not a universal experience that can be assessed with a single criteria and according to Malinowski (1922) the point of anthropology is ‘to grasp the natives point of view’, but to what extent are beliefs about the causes of well being culturally patterned, by consistent, or rational? There is a clash between indigenous notions of ‘the good life’ and standardised indexes of well-being.
Well-being is sought through a variety of personal practices some of which often have a consumerist character. Where the consumers reproduce themselves as subjects who measure up to the social norms and values. The increasing popularity of the idea of well being reflects shifts in perceptions of individual agency and responsibility and the discourses of well-being therefore reflect a move from subjects as citizens to...